Hoa Vu

Prior research has found that a high level of residential racial segregation, or the degree to which racial/ethnic groups are isolated from one another, is associated with worsened infant health outcomes, particularly among non-Hispanic (NH) Black infant populations. However, because exposure to segregation is non-random, it is unclear whether and to what extent segregation is causally linked to infant health. To overcome this empirical limitation, we leverage exogenous variation in the placement of railroad tracks in the 19th century to predict contemporary segregation, an approach first introduced by Ananat (2011). In alignment with prior literature, we find that residential segregation has statistically significant associations with negative birth outcomes among Black infant populations in the area. Using OLS methods underestimates the negative impacts of segregation on infant health. We fail to detect comparable effects on health outcomes among NH White infant populations. Further, we identify several key mechanisms by which residential segregation could influence health outcomes among Black infant populations, including lower access to prenatal care during the first trimester, higher levels of anti-Black prejudice, greater transportation barriers, and increased food insecurity. Given that poor birth outcomes have adverse effects on adults’ health and well-being, the findings suggest that in-utero exposure to residential segregation could have important implications for Black–White inequality over the life course.

This paper studies the effects of Secure Communities (SC), a wide-ranging immigration enforcement program, on infant health outcomes in the United States. Using administrative birth certificate data together with event study and triple-differences designs, I find that SC increases the incidence of very low birth weight by 21% for infants of foreign-born Hispanic mothers, who were most likely to be affected by immigration enforcement. There is suggestive evidence that the results are consistent with (i) changes in maternal stress induced by deportation fear and (ii) inadequate prenatal nutrition. A back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that this unintended social cost of immigration enforcement ranges from $872 million to $1.59 billion annually.

Prior research provides evidence of implicit and explicit anti-Black prejudice among US physicians. However, we know little about racialized prejudice among physicians and non-physician healthcare workers. Using ordinary least squares models and data from Harvard’s Project Implicit (2007-2019), we assessed the associations between self-reported occupational status (physician, non-physician healthcare worker) and implicit and explicit prejudice toward Black, Arab-Muslim, Asian, and Native Americans, net of demographic characteristics. We found that physicians and non-physician healthcare workers exhibited more implicit and explicit anti-Black and anti-Arab-Muslim prejudice than the general population. After controlling for demographics, these differences became non-significant for physicians but remained for non-physician healthcare workers. Demographic controls largely explained anti-Asian prejudice among both groups and, physicians and non-physician healthcare workers exhibited comparatively lower and similar levels of anti-Native implicit prejudice, respectively. Finally, white non-physician healthcare workers exhibited the highest levels of anti-Black prejudice.

This study assessed a broad array of socioeconomic barriers in relation to preferred contraceptive use during a time of exacerbated personal and social financial strain (the COVID-19 pandemic). Using statewide data collected in early 2021 through the Survey of the Health of Wisconsin, we conducted bivariate analyses exploring the relationship between socioeconomic resources and preferred contraceptive use among Wisconsin women. Findings indicated that people lacking socioeconomic resources, including adequate food and housing, may be unable to access their preferred contraceptive method(s). Amidst competing demands on time and resources, the inability to obtain preferred contraceptive method(s) may represent system-wide barriers as well as people's lowered ability to prioritize and access care in light of socioeconomic struggles.

Previous research documented that midwifery service quality improvements lead to improving maternal and infants’ health outcomes. However, little is known about its influence on later-life outcomes including disability. This paper explores the potential effects of early-life exposure to the establishment of midwifery laws across US states on later-life disability outcomes. Midwifery laws were enacted during the late 19th and early 20th century and required midwives to gain formal education and training to obtain a license in order to legally practice. We use decennial census data over the years 1970-2000 and implement a difference-indifference method and show that being born in a reform state is associated with significant reductions in various measures of disability, including work disability, cognitive difficulty, ambulatory difficulty, self-care difficulty, and a proxy for severe mental health. We also find significant increases in education, socioeconomic scores, housing wealth, and income. We further discuss the policy implications of the results.

This study explores the long-term health effects of prenatal exposure to racialized violence by analyzing Social Security Administration death records linked with the 1940 census. We exploit variations in lynching incidences to understand their impact on old-age longevity. The results reveal a 3.7 month decrease in longevity for Black males who were exposed to a lynching of a Black victim during gestation. This exposure accounts for approximately 10% of the life expectancy gap between Black and White men in 1980, without negative effects observed among White individuals. Further analysis suggests reductions in socioeconomic measures are likely explanatory factors.

Studies have documented Black-White disparities in bankruptcy filings and outcomes, as well as links between bankruptcy and filers’ health. However, little research examines how bankruptcy patterns at the area level may be associated with racial disparities in health outcomes, particularly during early life. Spatial measures of bankruptcy may better capture how structural forces influence bankruptcy patterns and health across groups. In this research note, we use a ProPublica dataset of all consumer bankruptcy cases from 2008-2015, as well as data from the National Vital Statistics System and the American Community Survey, to develop and test a novel measure of racialized spatial inequality in bankruptcy and its relationship with infant health disparities. Specifically, we measure the odds ratio of case dismissal in predominately Black versus White zip codes in the same county. We show that inequality in bankruptcy between Black and White zip codes is associated with Black (but not White) infant health. Our findings persist after controlling for poverty and unemployment, and parental education does not have a protective effect. We also find no evidence to suggest that segregation is the driving factor. This study contributes to literature on race and bankruptcy, as well as structural racism and population health.

This paper examines the effects of the 2016 election on international student enrollments in the United States. Using variation in international student enrollments across U.S. higher education institutions, we find that the Trump election has a negative and significant impact on international enrollments. We provide suggestive evidence that Trump's 2016 win increases the weight on political factors when international students decide where to study. This is evidenced by the decline in international enrollments in Trump counties relative to Clinton counties. Some students, who would have chosen to study at a university in a Trump county may now no longer do so, favoring a university in a Clinton county. Other students who might once have chosen the U.S. for higher education now seem to be reconsidering and looking at other English speaking countries as alternatives.

Verify Employment Eligibility (E-Verify) is designed to curb the hiring of unauthorized immigrants. This paper examines the spillover impact of E-Verify on highly-educated citizen women's labor supply (particularly those with young children). Using variation in the implementation of E-Verify across states, I find that E-Verify reduces the labor supply of high-skilled citizen women by 0.3 to 1 percentage point. These estimates are larger for women with children. Supplemental analyses suggest that lower inflows of undocumented migrants is an important channel. A back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that E-Verify generated $6.1 billion in annual social costs of lower labor supply of high-skilled citizen women.

This paper uses the residual approach to identify undocumented populations hidden in micro survey data. I then document what I term the "Healthy Undocumented Immigrant Effect": undocumented immigrants are healthier than legal immigrants. I show evidence that the paradox of the undocumented immigrants’ health advantage can be attributed to the return-migrant effect.

We extend Feng and Sabarwal (2018)’s results on two stage 2×2 games with strategic complements to games with strategic substitutes and games with strategic heterogeneity. We characterize strategic substitutes and strategic heterogeneity in such games, and show that the set of such games has infinite measure. Our conditions are easy to apply and yield uncountably many examples of such games. Moreover, in contrast to the case for strategic complements, we show that generically, the set of SPNE in these games is totally unordered (no two equilibria are comparable).